Florida Funding Email Alert

 

 

 

February 28th, 2005 

 

 

 

 

 

Dear Email Alert Readers,

This free service by Florida Funding Publications provides information critical to grant seekers and fundraisers. Visit our website, www.floridafunding.com for more information on the grantseeking world.

Remember each alert comes with several HOT GRANTS due in a given month. Scroll below for 3 Hot Grants due February and March**** PLEASE NOTE THE DUE DATE!

Florida Funding Staff

 

In this update:

I. News

Legislation: Slot Machine Debate Continues as Vote Nears

Legislative Concerns: Lobbyists Hiding “Contributions”

New Feature: Want to discuss a story featured in news or find out more information? Email our editor to discuss a story, request more information, or give an opinion. You may be featured in our new "Editorial" section where our readers will discuss their funding concerns.

II. Order The Complete Guide to Florida Foundations, 18th Edition, 2005

III. Hot Grants: February 2005, Part III

 

NEWS

MARCH 8 REFERENDUM
Miami representative joins fight against slot machines


This roundup presents news about the March 8 election to allow slot machines at parimutuels in Broward and Miami-Dade counties.

Miami Rep. Marco Rubio grew up in Las Vegas. His father, a hotel bartender who left Miami Beach, sought better opportunities among the hotels and casinos along the fabled Strip.

But the experience did little to endear Rubio to gambling.

''There are slot machines there in the 7-Elevens,'' Rubio said. ``And they're the most sinister form of gaming, because it's sneaky. They literally nickel and dime you down to your last dollar.''

Today, Rubio will make his anti-slots debut, lending his political influence and voice to the radio debates that are likely to escalate in the closing days of the campaign to bring slot machines to seven racetracks and jai-alai frontons in Dade and Broward.

Rubio, an influential House member poised to become leader of the chamber in 2007, said he voted against the slots measure in November and planned to cast an early ''No'' vote over the weekend.

''No one can tell me that gaming is not going to have negative societal affects,'' the West Miami Republican said. ``The people who are going to be there putting money in are going to be the ones who can least afford to. There's going to be busloads of my elderly constituents spending money they can't afford on these machines, then ending up at the doorstep of local government without enough money for rent or food.''

-- LESLEY CLARK

TALLAHASSEE BATTLE

Gov. Jeb Bush has never shied away from giving his opinion on gambling: He hates it.

So if the slot-machine measure wins approval from South Florida voters and moves on to Tallahassee for crucial work on regulatory and tax legislation, Bush's office will be a battlefield.

Among those already enlisting: former Miami Rep. Manny Prieguez, a Republican who gained a reputation for not always toeing the GOP line. Prieguez, who left office last year to work as a lobbyist at Holland & Knight law firm, was one of a few lawmakers who bucked Bush on legislation that called for prison sentences for gun-toting teens.

Prieguez, who with former Miami Rep. Luis Rojas, now heads the Spanish media campaign for the pro-slots forces in Miami-Dade and Broward, said he doesn't expect Bush to hold a grudge.

''He understands the political process and understands this is a game of compromise,'' Prieguez said.

State law -- and the Florida Constitution -- bar former members from lobbying their former colleagues for two years after leaving office, but they can lobby the executive branch.

Rojas, who has lobbied in Tallahassee for Hartman & Tyner, which owns the Hollywood Greyhound Track, says the state already has gambling at the Indian casinos and offshore boats -- but reaps no tax dollars.

''With this proposal, the state will benefit,'' Rojas said.

 

LEGISLATURE
Lobbyists can hide most spending

As the start of the 2005 legislative session nears, Florida Senate President Tom Lee wants to crack down on the cozy relationship between lobbyists and lawmakers. But questions remain as to how far he can go.

gfineout@herald.com

The meeting of Miami-Dade lawmakers over dinner was held at an oak-shaded French restaurant near the Capitol.

On the agenda: fighting a controversial change in school funding that could hurt urban districts.

The tab for that night at Chez Pierre: $481.89 -- nearly $70 for each of the seven legislators in attendance. The bill was paid by Bill Rubin, a lobbyist who represents, among other clients, the Broward County School Board.

Almost a year after the dinner, Rubin has yet to file the gift disclosure form required by Florida law. Had a Herald reporter not accidentally walked in on the event, the public would never have known about it.

Rubin -- who did not return calls for comment -- is hardly alone in how he deals with Florida's disclosure requirements for lobbyists: A Herald review of three years' worth of gift disclosure forms shows that only a handful of lobbyists regularly report when they hand out gifts or pay for meals worth more than $25 -- the threshold for reporting -- for legislators or their aides.

In all of 2004, the total amount of gifts and meals revealed on these forms -- which include detailed information on the gift and the legislator who received it -- came to $15,925.

Yet during the same 12 months, nearly 600 registered lobbyists reported on a different form -- one that doesn't spell out which lawmaker received what -- spending a total of $3.47 million to lobby, entertain, feed and provide information to the 160 members of the Florida Legislature. Another 1,100 lobbyists reported to the state that they spent nothing last year.

Lobbyists say there are explanations for why they don't report gifts and meals they give lawmakers. But the wide gap between the two figures underscores the way things work in Tallahassee: Rules meant to give the public an idea of how lobbyists work are easily circumvented or ignored.

It also means that the public may not have a clear idea of exactly who is trying to influence the powerful group of men and women who affect day-to-day life in Florida, everything from telephone rates to how much money schools receive.

''It seems unreasonably low,'' Ben Wilcox, executive director of Common Cause Florida, said of the $15,925 reported spend on gifts and meals. ``You just know more is being done in the way of wining and dining.''

NEW RULES PROPOSED

Senate President Tom Lee, a Brandon Republican and critic of the cozy relationship between lobbyists and lawmakers, is proposing that the Legislature enact this year tough new disclosure requirements, including the so-far untouchables of the lobbying world: how much lobbyists get paid and whom they lobby.

''We're not going to be able to stop people from being entertained,'' Lee said. ``But you can create reporting requirements to make sure the public is aware of what this Legislature is doing and with whom.''

Right now, the rules aren't that hard to follow -- or to avoid.

Currently, people who lobby the Legislature are required to report annually how much money they spend on lobbying, but that figure does not include how much they are paid by their clients. Lobbyists instead report how much they spend in broad categories such as entertainment, meals, travel and advertising.

And the reports don't require a lobbyist to say exactly whom they were lobbying or what issues or bills they were trying to affect.

Lobbyists are also required to file a form that lists any gifts or meals worth $25 or greater given to any legislator or legislative aide. Gifts over $100 are prohibited in most cases.

LIMITED COMPLIANCE

But a Herald review of three years' worth of these forms showed that only lobbyists for BellSouth, Walt Disney World and UBS Financial Services regularly disclosed buying meals or treating legislators to tickets to concerts, theme parks or football games.

For example, BellSouth provided tickets to last summer's MTV Video Awards to Sen. Gwen Margolis and Rep. Rene Garcia, both from Miami-Dade County. Rep. Adam Hasner, a Delray Beach Republican, got several gifts from BellSouth, including tickets to a Van Halen concert.

Disney gave theme park tickets to two Miami Republicans, Rep. Marco Rubio and Rep. Marcello Llorente, and in July gave a ticket to Cirque Du Soleil to Rep. David Rivera, also of Miami.

Other lobbyists, however, have found ways to get around the reporting requirements.

Take the case of Ron Book, one of South Florida's most prominent lobbyists. When it came to spending money to wine and dine and entertain legislators last year, Book outdid anyone else in the state. He reported spending more than $314,000 on behalf of his long list of clients, which include the city of Miami, Miami-Dade County, Calder Race Course and AutoNation.

Yet Book says he never spent more than $25 for a meal or a gift for a single legislator. In fact, Book said he doesn't even know what the gift disclosure form looks like.

''If I gave a gift over the value, I guess I'd know the form,'' Book said.

How does Book get around the $25 gift disclosure requirement? He invites large groups of people to receptions he pays for, a move that allows him to bring down the per-person cost.

''We sponsor large events,'' Book said. ``We do it in the sunshine. We don't do it clandestine. And when we cater the meeting we feed everybody.''

Other lobbyists use a different way around the disclosure requirements. They take the total they spend on a legislator and divide it by the number of clients they represent. A lobbyist with four clients, for example, can divide up the cost of a $80 meal for one lawmaker four ways, bringing down the cost of the gift beneath the $25 threshold.

Gene McGee, a lobbyist who represents companies such as Anheuser-Busch, IBM and Greyhound Lines, defends the practice, saying he rarely goes out with a legislator to lobby on behalf of just one client.

''If I take somebody to lunch, most times I'm not taking them to talk about a particular issue,'' McGee said. ``It's relationship-building.''

Even when a lobbyist doesn't follow the law, the public may never find out. The job of making sure lobbyists abide by the requirements is up to the people who receive the free meals and gifts: the legislators.

Any complaint about a lobbyist not following the law must go to the Legislature. It's left up to legislators to investigate and decide whether to fine or reprimand lobbyists who fail to disclose how much they spent on lobbying or how much they gave to legislators. This almost never happens.

The arrangement is supported by Florida's Constitution, which sets out a clear separation of powers that leaves it up to the Legislature to regulate its internal operations.

Lee first put lobbyists on warning in November when he became Senate president, suggesting lobbyists make ''investments'' in legislators that they expect to pay off.

Since then, Lee has floated ideas to ban lobbyists from serving on appointed boards, such as those that run state universities. He has ordered a flat prohibition on any gifts or meals to all Senate employees, except those who report directly to individual senators.

Lee is in favor of beefing up disclosure requirements for lobbyists, including letting the public know how much they get paid and maybe even what lawmakers they are lobbying. Florida is the largest state in the nation that doesn't require lobbyists to say how much they are getting paid. Twenty-eight other states have some disclosure requirements.

HOUSE SPEAKER

House Speaker Allan Bense, a Panama City Republican, says he's open to many of the changes suggested by Lee, except for barring lobbyists from appointments to university boards.

Lobbyists are already grumbling about any increased paperwork requirements and question the value of disclosing their fees.

Book says that Lee's ban on allowing lobbyists to pick up meals in Senate offices will just drive things underground. Book routinely pays for lunch or dinner for the entire Miami-Dade delegation and holds the event in the Capitol.

Lee is ''going to have the opposite [effect] of what he's trying to accomplish,'' said Book. ``You drive people out of the Capitol into the private back rooms of a restaurant.''

But Wilcox of Common Cause applauds Lee's efforts.

''There will be more public outrage once the public gets a better picture of how these lobbyists are manipulating the process,'' he said.

 

 

II. ORDER THE COMPLETE GUIDE NOW...Shipping MARCH 2005!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ART &

 

 

The COMPLETE GUIDE to Florida Foundations 2005

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HOT GRANTS

 

Community Development

Who: The Tony Hawk Foundation

$$ Available: $1,000 to $25,000

Deadline***: March 1, 2005

For more information and application contact: questions@tonyhawkfoundation.org

 

Education

Who: Research in Disabilities Education Grants

$$ Available: $4.4 Million

Deadline: February 28, 2005

For more info call (703) 292-4655

 

Department of Environmental Protection

Who/what: Land and Water Conservation Fund Program

Deadline: March 1, 2005

For more info and to obtain an application please contact: Department of EP, Division of Recreation and Parks at (850) 245-2501, fax (850) 245-3038

 

 

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